Nelson Mandela gave a key to South Africans.

President Mandela empowered black South Africans with the means to transform their lives. In 1994, when a woman demanded weapons to fight, he responded decisively: *"Go vote en masse."* This call to action led to a historic victory in the 1994 elections, where black South Africans secured approximately 80% of the vote (17 million voters, with an 82% turnout). In essence, half the nation cast their ballots, and an unprecedented 20 million people united behind a shared vision.  

However, many expected Mandela to redistribute wealth from whites to blacks as retribution. Instead, he championed reconciliation and the creation of a "rainbow nation." As a president for all South Africans, it would have been unjust for Mandela to strip whites of their property—especially since the ANC had not defeated apartheid through force but through negotiated transition. 

After securing victory in the elections, the ANC implemented the National Development Plan (NDP), backed by a dedicated budget. Later, under President Mbeki, the government introduced Black Economic Empowerment (BEE), a policy designed to enable black South Africans to expand the economy by establishing businesses, generating wealth, and reducing unemployment and poverty.  

However, these efforts fell short of their full potential. Instead of building self-sustaining industries, many black South Africans continued demanding a share of what whites had already constructed. 

Why didn’t black communities build their own universities, dominate farming and manufacturing, and create their own products? With black South Africans making up 80% of the population, they represent a massive consumer base—why not leverage this economic power?  

Consider a simple example: If a black entrepreneur opens a "tuckshop" (small convenience store) in his township and his community supports it, Pakistani-owned shops would eventually close due to lack of customers. Yet, even after a major retail chain aired racist advertisements, black consumers continued patronizing it. If you don’t wield your economic power, you will always be marginalized. 

Most restaurants now offer "halal" options because Muslims—a demographic that asserts its purchasing power—have set clear expectations. This isn’t about fighting white businesses, but about establishing competition that forces industry players to acknowledge black consumers as a dominant economic force.  

Today, there are no black-owned supermarket chains rivaling the scale of major industry players—chains capable of providing livable wages for their employees. If Pakistani entrepreneurs can build nationwide tuckshop networks, why can’t black South Africans do the same with supermarkets? To achieve this, we must learn from successful models and develop our own African economic framework.  

China, originally a communist state, engineered its own hybrid economic model to transition into a globalized market. This strategic adaptation propelled China to become the world’s leading economic power. Similarly, Russia restructured its economy along capitalist lines, enabling it to withstand Western sanctions with remarkable resilience.  

Africa must initiate its transformation from the grassroots, much like Mao Zedong did in China, maintaining a resolute focus on the objectives of self-sufficiency and economic liberation. This vision is entirely attainable. As with any revolutionary struggle, casualties are inevitable, yet such losses must not dissuade us from the pursuit of self-determination—for ultimately, the majority will enjoy the fruits borne of the sacrifices made by a courageous few.

The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), with its 1.5 million members, possesses the potential to establish an autonomous economic system, akin to what the Jewish community has successfully built. A black church boasting millions of congregants reveals its latent economic power only during pilgrimages to “Moria”—an event that symbolizes what they could collectively construct if united under a broader ambition: to emulate the economic cohesion of the Jewish people. This encapsulates the economic dimension of black consciousness as espoused by Steve Biko.

BLACKS NEED NOT DEMAND REPARATION FOR WHAT WAS ALLEGEDLY TAKEN; INSTEAD, THEY MUST INNOVATE AND BUILD UPON THE EXISTING FOUNDATION. ONCE THEIR POWER IS SOLIDLY ESTABLISHED, THEY WILL NOT NEED TO RECLAIM WHAT WAS LOST—IT WILL BE RESTORED TO THEM VOLUNTARILY, WITHOUT RESISTANCE. 

THE WEAK INEVITABLY ALIGN WITH THE STRONG—BUT ALWAYS ON THE STRONG’S TERMS

African people should not lament resistance to their self-determination, for the West too must defend what they have fought to build. There is no need for Blacks to demand restitution/compensation from former oppressors—they possess both the financial means and demographic strength (budget and population) to produce autonomously and sustain their own consumption. What is required is a fundamental shift in mindset, beginning with leadership that drives revolution in foundational sectors like agriculture and manufacturing. Once this base is secured, economic sovereignty will follow organically, as will the ingrained practice of prioritizing collective interests and cultural identity.

A united people who have cultivated pride through shared achievement cannot be overcome once they attain true power.

Marius C. Oula